Nine emblematic projects of Rafael Correa present anomalies; and in at least eight there would be some responsibility of the former president. The secretary Marcela Estrella, explains.
What difficulty was there in investigating emblematic cases?
There were institutions that did not submit documents in a timely manner. The reconstruction of Manabí, for example, where we have even been able to verify that the institutions that handle the budget do not have agreement, do not handle the same figures.
How many complaints has the Secretariat received?
In 2018 2,021 complaints were admitted to processing, 1,391 legal guidelines (legal advice to the citizen) have been generated in order to guarantee effective access. If the institution is not competent, my obligation is to guide you as to what other processes you can follow or to which institution to go. Regarding the evaluation of authorities, 1,300 complaints were received.
What reports did you present?
Pacific Refinery, Manduriacu, reconstruction of Manabí, Pascuales-Cuenca, Toachi Pilatón, millennium schools and public hospitals.
What is pending?
Public debt and Refinery of Esmeraldas that will come to the knowledge of the authorities so that they give him the corresponding procedure.
In emblematic projects, what crimes would exist?
Those related to organized crime whose criminal ends are those that exceed five years as money laundering, illicit enrichment, bribery, embezzlement, but we have also reported illegal association where there is influence peddling, perjury.
In how many of the nine projects can be presumed responsibility of Rafael?
In eight of nine projects we have been able to show some type of participation. The bonding suggestion is not being made because we are certain of a participation. We presume that the former president had a leading role in the awarding of contracts, without his governance policy by emergency decrees would not have been possible in a scenario where contracts were awarded directly and irregularly, in some cases to companies that were internationally or internationally designated they had a record or that they were not even constituted. Without that participation, without that shelter, it might have been a more difficult task to execute.
Corruption seems not to move the citizens …
The problem is that they have been told and offered so many things as judicial proceedings, penalties, but it has not been possible to take the promise to those instances and that generates distrust. I would think that the structural basis for promoting a transparent system is education and it is not a sector that has been given priority in ethics and values.
Do you not feel impotence that corruption is denounced and the processes stagnate?
Of course. That is why I believe that Dr. Diana Salazar will have a very strong and leading role in the rescue of the Office of the Prosecutor. We have been able to witness, not since I have been here, but long before, the inertia of the Office of the Prosecutor or that the Office of the Comptroller continues to approve reports in which they collect a lot of irregularities, but they do not conclude with the determination of any type of responsibility.
Do you think that corruption has been more a political issue than the intention of major surgery?
I also think that it could have been a political banner perhaps for the moment. And it’s fine if that is going to be my political discourse, but the second phase comes, the execution and there maybe the best thing to do is invest and allocate transparency and fight against corruption.
Who do you think has been most motivated to harm?
I consider that the “sneaky” people exist in the private sector and in the public. Both are necessary for there to be an illicit or irregular end. They need coordinated actions, conversations, concerts, structure a plan.
Mr. Pareja said that Odebrecht was a child’s game next to the oil issue. Why do you think the investigations are not going forward?
Currently it is another scenario that the Prosecutor will face and whenever a new authority is possessed, the panorama is diverse. Referring to the facts in which, in 2015, the Anti-Corruption Commission began to denounce Manduriacu, or Pacific Refinery, there was no political intention to monitor or investigate cases of megaprojects and there criticized the system that was set up. There was an apparatus that basically kidnapped the Judicature, the Legislative, the Prosecutor’s Office at all levels.
The arrival of Diana Salazar generated expectations. Do you think there should be an audit?
Indisputably and not because it should be analyzed only to correísmo. We are talking about an institution that is fundamental in the fight against corruption and there are a lot of irregularities. There are prosecutors who are embarrassed, who do not consciously handle their causes, who traffic influence to favor one of the parties, who charge money to favor one of their expert reports or to favor this or that expert. That kind of thing exists in the Office of the Prosecutor. You have to dismantle, you have to give it institutionality. (I)